WORLD.  Globalization has been proclaimed dead in relation to the inflation problems, the war in Ukraine, and the recent Covie-19 pandemic. Different academics and experts have talked about deglobalization since 2020. However, new globalization is now being developed and also organized with decentralized technology such as cryptocurrencies. 

Comments and myths about “the death of globalization” are false and inaccurate for several reasons. For example, the current inflation problems are mainly a result of shortages of goods, and global value chains will still be important for trade and cooperation. Regarding the ongoing war in Ukraine, one must remember that despite its land size and economy, Russia is still among the least globalized and most trade-preventionist nations.

Regarding trade and other globalizing aspects, there is no strong evidence or support that our world is becoming more or less globalized. As for example liberal opinion-maker and global historian Johan Norberg writes, globalization has “found new ways” and adapted itself as during the recent pandemic and global health problems with the Covid virus. Covid-19 has mainly been handled thanks to global cooperation and flows of important goods, services, and ideas. 

Historically, it is nothing new that globalization or global development, in general, is changing. Partly it has to do with general political, economic, social, and technological changes around the world, such as further development of trade agreements and flows in Africa. Regarding technological changes, one of the main current trends in the development of decentralized technology is in the cases of blockchain, self-sovereign identity, and cryptocurrencies. 

Covid-19 has mainly been handled thanks to global cooperation and flows of important goods, services, and ideas. 

One common factor for these techniques is that they enable people to cooperate and interact without needing “a middle-man” as a bank, company, or government institution. Decentralized technology is also global because the interactions between humans, and private and public institutions are done worldwide. Older cryptocurrencies such as Bitcoin and Ethereum are already used for buying goods and services worldwide, especially in larger cities such as Miami, Tokyo and Barcelona. 

In several ways, cryptocurrencies can be described as a new form of global development where individuals and communities are more dominating and presented than the case was during the 1990s and 2000s when globalization was often seen as mainly beneficial for large multi-national and global companies. When new cryptocurrencies are created, communities are common as well. In such crypto-communities, individuals organize themselves by creating internal democratic governance, markets, products, work, and businesses. This is for example the case with crypto-currencies such as Seeds, Tezos and Algorand. 

Currently, the total global trade and value of cryptocurrencies is around two trillion American dollars. At the same time, many new communities, companies, and cooperatives that are using crypto are created. Such businesses and initiatives are also specialized by focusing on different topics such as for example banking, climate transformation and food production. 

As post-pandemic and post-Trump&Brexit-style discussions about globalization are taking place, the case of cryptocurrencies offers new insights and methods for how our world can be more integrated and unified. This process is very much driven by economic topics such as markets and money transfers but also includes many examples of non-profit and more meaningful initiatives and actions. On an individual and practical level, being a member of a  cryptocurrency community, one directly participates in global development through decentralized cooperation through ideas and systems that can contribute to connecting more people and solving problems as world citizens. 

The post Cryptocurrencies are a vital part of the new globalisation first appeared on Opulens.

This article was originally published in 2019 by Amy Oloo via Democracy Without Borders blog. 

FREEDOM. With millions of people across the world fleeing violence, oppression, economic desparation or because of environmental reasons, migration remains a key issue on the political agenda. Two years ago we reported on our blog that a powerful case was made that the global benefits of open borders and free movement of people may strongly outweigh the disadvantages. This piece looks at some of the arguments since then.

In an article penned for the Los Angeles Daily News, Doug McIntyre argued recently that nation-states as we know them eventually may become a thing of the past. The columnist said that due to increased access to the internet, and subsequent exposure to ‘others’, people are beginning to identify themselves as global citizens. “For the first time in human history our sense of community is not limited by geography,” he writes. In fact, surveys confirm that the notion of global citizenship is widespread.

The world is far away from ‘borderlessness’

However, the world is far away from achieving a state of ‘borderlessness’. According to Tim Marshall, author of the 2018 book Divided: Why We’re Living in an Age of Walls, Donald Trump’s controversial plans for building a wall on the border to Mexico is actually in the global norm. The author reveals that 65 countries now have a wall or fence. Half of these fortifications were built in this century. Marshall argues that their purpose is to ease concerns by giving the impression that ‘something is being done’ to keep migrants out. After all, the current influx of nationalist leaders often is a result of growing concerns about uncontrolled mass migration.

The idea of a world without borders remains unfathomable for those in the Global South. The free movement of people across borders has only been awarded to the affluent and those with European and North American passports.

In a piece titled The Idea of a Borderless World, Achille Mbembe, a Cameroonian philosopher and political theorist,  argues that the “capacity to decide who can move, who can settle, where and under what conditions is increasingly becoming the core of political struggles.”

According to Mbembe classical liberal thought embraces the freedom of movement for capital, goods, and services. He argues that a ‘fourth freedom of movement’ must be added: that of people. In the European Single Market this freedom is referred to as free movement of labour.

Thus, Africans and all world citizens must be awarded the same freedom of movement that others already have. Mbembe acknowledges that in order to initiate this transition, African countries themselves must start with opening their borders to each other and remove the tight constrictions that were mapped out by colonizers. The African Continental Free Trade Area which is set to launch on 30th May 2019 may be perceived as a step towards this. The new free trade area is envisioned to become one of the largest single markets in the world and will provide companies with easy access across the continent. Two months ago Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta called upon African governments to allow free movement of people as well. The African Union is already working on a single African passport for all African citizens.

From a moral point of view, freedom of movement should be granted irrespective of social or economic status. Nonetheless, denial of the ‘fourth freedom’ remains rooted not only in xenophobic views but also in economic bias. This is best illustrated by the fact that 108,000 millionaires were able to migrate freely in 2018 as a recent study showed. Further reports predict that at least 26% of the world’s millionaires will make similar moves in 2019. In many cases, millionaires from countries such as China, Russia and Turkey flock to states such as Australia, Canada and the USA. Often millionaires effectively purchase citizenship or residency status, a privilege not awarded to the poor. They cannot even travel freely.

The post Walls, fences, and a borderless world: Recent arguments first appeared on Opulens.

CLIMATE. “The opportunity with the Stockholm + 50 conference is to get us back to focusing on fundamental global risks. At the same time as the ongoing war takes up a lot of attention”, writes Waldemar Ingdahl of the Global Challenges Foundation.

Sweden is hosting, together with Kenya, the UN’s climate conference Stockholm 50+. Fifty years after the UN’s first environmental and climate conference took place, the Stockholm Conference in 1972. It led to the “do no harm” principle, namely that states are obliged to prevent, reduce and control the risks of environmental damage to other states. It also led to the creation of the UN Environment Programme UNEP and the establishment of World Environment Day, held on 5 June each year.

 The ambition of Stockholm+50 is to draw attention to the 50th anniversary of the world’s first environment and climate conference and to make courageous science-based decisions to act against contemporary crises in climate and biodiversity, prosperity, and the economy.

 The intention is for multilateralism to be discussed as the basis for achieving current goals and future prosperity and well-being and to act as a springboard for reform work. Stockholm+50 is designed as a collaborative and multi-party meeting, open to various participants who are invited to share experiences and initiatives to protect the planet and contribute to sustainable and inclusive development.

 As Stockholm+50 is not part of the UN’s climate convention UNFCCC or the convention on biological diversity CBD, the meeting is outside the processes by which the world community makes decisions. Criticism has been leveled at the conference for not appearing to lead to a sharp resolution, which in turn would mean that the conference’s objectives are unclear. 

Climate change has been a hot topic and a political priority for a long time, and we are already doing much, at a significant cost. 

Greta Thunberg’s famous “blah, blah, blah” speech could perhaps be repeated this year. The situation looks depressingly familiar for an observer who participated during Stockholm + 50 this year and still has last year’s COP26 in fresh memory. Then as now, young environmental activists see the conference as a slow and insufficient way of dealing with acute problems.

 Much of the focus of the COP 26 conference ended on the global divide between north and south. The Western world’s efforts to deal with environmental degradation and overpopulation were opposed to the desire of developing countries for industrialization and prosperity. Knowledge of an ongoing environmental crisis is circulating globally, but it was perceived and handled differently by the conference’s different power blocs and countries.

Climate change has been a hot topic and a political priority for a long time, and we are already doing much, at a significant cost. 

However, the idea, expressed in Greta Thunberg’s “blah blah blah” speech, that we are not currently doing anything about the problems is unreasonable. It is difficult to think of any other issue where there is such a broad consensus despite a divided world, which includes all major political parties, trade unions, employers’ unions, the research community, and civil society. The consciousness about the issue is clearly present.

It is good to discuss and know where you are going, not least about climate change and biodiversity loss, whose conventions and meetings are so technical. They are closely related but have rarely been discussed. But it is important to see where the problems lie and how risks are affected. This is to prepare for future agreements and upcoming conferences.

There are now so many climate-related instruments that climate and development policy is often messy and inconsistent. The challenge is not to “do more”, but to sort out, rationalize, and streamline the policies to strive for environmental goals more rationally and cost-effectively. Where can the easiest efforts be made, not least in a world strained by war with nuclear threats, pandemics, and what seems to be a severe recession?

 To get a kind of overview and try to understand what needs to be done is global “tipping points”.

 A tipping point is a critical turning point, where a minor system disturbance initiates a self-reinforcing process that irrevocably drives the system further and further away from its initial state of equilibrium. Ecologists have long been aware of tipping points in local and regional ecosystems. Now they are used to explain and understand shifts in biophysical systems, while the concept was previously used in changes in markets or major crimes in societal patterns and norms.

 There are long-term costs of not making well-planned decisions and examining which reforms or new global institutions may be right. Therefore, a scientific understanding and dissemination of knowledge about global decision-making systems is good to discuss. Tipping points are also useful for understanding when the action really has an impact so that we do not stop too soon or stick to it even if its benefit is low.

The Stockholm + 50 conference opportunity is to get us back to focusing on fundamental global risks. This at the same time as the ongoing war takes up a lot of attention. Therefore, it is important to achieve peace on earth and peace with the earth.

The post New solutions for global risks? first appeared on Opulens.

THE INDIVIDUAL. Historically, the notion of being an individual is a modern phenomenon because as humans throughout history, we have lived in more or less collectivist forms of polities, communities and social organizing. Questions about our existence, feelings and lifestyles are something we deal with daily. In the book “We are all individualists” (“Vi är alla individualister” in Swedish), liberal opinion-maker and philosopher Jesper Ahlin Marceta writes about why Sweden is a very individualistic society and about the role of liberalism.
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What does it mean to be an individual? Humans think about existential questions daily and self-reflection is something that we can develop through education and exercises. For example, according to the Taoist philosophy, a smart person understands and knows others while a wise person understands and knows oneself.

My own individuality developed to a large extent through the experiences of the war in Bosnia almost 30 years ago. My memories entail moments such as listening to Neil Young’s “Keep on rocking in the free world” and the Belgrade-based punk band Partibrejkersi, whose members actively opposed Serbia’s dictator Slobodan Milosevic in the 1990s.  They were singing about the importance of being honest, free and unique as an individual. These occasions were very important for me in order to deal with a post-war environment characterized by authoritarian values, hateful behaviors and social mistrust.

Discussions about who we are and how we should behave are important around the globe. One outcome is the establishment of the new philosophical movements and initiatives, such as metamodernism, based on the arguments that our values and behaviors are characterized by how humans shape our social world and how our experiences shape us.  The recent development in Europe regarding debates about migration, identification and community has also resulted in many new books being published on topics related to human morality and psychology. Based on some latest experiences in Sweden, my latest reading is “We are all individualists,” written by Jesper Ahlin Marceta, one of Sweden’s foremost liberal thinkers and member of the liberal magazine Liberal Debatt.

The book targets everyone who wants to understand what Sweden is, has been and can become as a society when it comes to dominant norms, values, and behaviors. Ahlin is an author who makes his arguments based on empirical evidence and research from various fields, which makes the book a mix of history, philosophy and psychology. The reader will become acquainted with concepts such as idiocentric and allocentric personality type and how it reflects on everyday life.

Ahlin’s work can be described as a Sweden-focused discussion regarding communication and stories characterized by the “Brexit and Trump” era. The book is also about the history of liberalism as well as other ideologies. The author writes about the meaning of individualism throughout history; an important reflection as liberalism, individualism, and globalization are criticized for making people angry, authoritarian and atomized through “destroyed” democracies and communities.

By establishing his counter-arguments on an impressive amount of research, Ahlin shows why many critics of liberalism and individualistic lifestyles, such as the social-conservative academic Patrick Deneen, get wrong in their reasoning. Another strength of the book is that Ahlin masters the meaning of different ideologies by pointing out the differences between liberal and socialist individualists. It is worth mentioning that despite his affiliation to the right-wing and market-liberal think tank Timbro, Ahlin advocates more cooperation between liberals, progressives and left-wingers by writing about the history of ideological and political compromises related to Sweden`s development during the 20th century.

At the same time, when it comes to making compromises, there are also parts of the book I find uncomfortable. Because Ahlin is doing something radical and new in the Swedish debate about ideas, and more precisely when it comes to the debate within the liberal community in Sweden. Partly, Ahlin takes a stand against neoliberalism, which he believes has focused too much on the market, money and materialism instead on topics regarding community and identification. Ahlin also takes a stand for “liberal nationalism“, turning the book a kind of a cold shower for many liberals, especially those who during the 1990s and 2000s, advocated in favor of globalization, European integration and liberalization processes.

From my point of view, in a modern world, it is impossible to make a political defense of the individual’s uniqueness and plurality in the universal sense by demanding that “everyone” must have a special loyalty to a certain nation, even if it is done with a reference to liberal values. The book does not really address the fact that the advocacy of the mix of liberalism and nationalism is nothing new in modern times and that similar ideas throughout history have contributed to repression, distrust and even wars. In addition, the case in Sweden is that several right-wing opinion-makers have already invoked liberal-nationalism by stating phrases such as “Sweden should become like Denmark” – a society that has become less open, liberal and tolerant in recent years.

I expected to find in the book relevant academics and opinion-makers such as Clara Sandelind, who has written about the problems concerning the mixture of liberalism with nationalism and what it means regarding policies for migration, identification and freedom in relation to global problems and challenges. Therefore, the book lacks deeper, more complex and world-conscious answers about how liberals should act and organize themselves and how liberalism can be renewed. It is already the fact that Sweden as an EU-member state, functions as a transnational state and in some respects as a cosmopolitan state as when it comes to refugees and human security.

After all, nationalism neither inspire nor enable people to cooperate as world citizens by creating new stories and institutions and empathy and solidarity worldwide. However, the book is an important read for those who want to understand how Sweden’s development during the 2020s may look like, why individualism is still important and why the liberal state and society model is so far better compared to others.

The post Being an individual yesterday, today and tomorrow first appeared on Opulens.

I live in a cage, and I have lived in it for a long time. How long? I don’t know. My memory is, as you know, not much to boast about. But that doesn’t mean that I am an idiot. I understand more than you think.

But it is obvious that you like to laugh at me when you make me repeat all those ridiculous words and phrases that you say to me. And when you have finished laughing, you claim that I am stupid because you are convinced that I can’t think up anything of my own.

But all the same, I have always liked it in my cage. I have been given food, and one ought to be grateful for that. But there are also other things that I have appreciated. And in the first instance I mean the pleasure I have had of being able to hear all the conversations that have been carried out around the fancy dining table. And they weren’t just any old conversations. Because I live in the home of a learned person, somebody who knows a lot.

As I have said, there are a lot of conversations that are carried on here in the house. And there have been many people who have come to visit. They have sat for hours and talked and argued about all manner of things. And that is good. Isn’t it? Just think how much I have been able to learn. I ought to be a happy parrot. Surely I ought to be?

I readily admit that it has been a delight to listen to the conversations that have been carried out. A true delight. But no longer. You see, over time I have become all the more disturbed by these conversations. Indeed, in the end, they became really intolerable.

Perhaps you are wondering: What do you mean by that, parrot?

There are three differences between me and you. The first is that I am sitting in a cage, and you are not. I will never be able to fly outside my cage. But you, on the other hand, can go where you want, because there is no fence that shuts you in.

The second difference is that I know that I am sitting in a cage. There is no doubt about that. But you, on the other hand, remain unaware of the cage that you yourselves are sitting in, the cage inside your heads. When you read this, you will certainly give a start as if you had been insulted. Yes, insulted in the same way that you insult me every time you laugh at me when I repeat all your little witticisms. 

The third difference is that I can refrain from repeating everything you say. Instead, inside my cage, when I want to, I can think of new thoughts, thoughts that wouldn’t always please you if you got to hear them. But you, you can’t think any new thoughts. Because all day long you simply repeat what you hear and read. Even the man in whose house I live, and who knows a tremendous amount, repeats everything he reads. Yes he does, without being aware of it. He repeats and repeats so that he almost turns blue in the face. 

Now you understand why I can’t stick this. All of you just repeat yourselves. And why do you do that? I’ll tell you, it is because you can’t do anything else when you sit there in your cage. 

The post The parrot first appeared on Opulens.

Chambord is a 500-year-old castle in the Loire Valley, South of Paris. Magic operates when a contemporary artist is permitted to use its historic walls and grandiose park for his artworks!  This spring and throughout the summer, the castle is opened for visitors to come and enjoy its premises with a touch of grace: that of the French/Argentinian artist, Pablo Reinoso, with his exhibition ’Overflow’.  

The cultural life has suffered during these years of pandemic. However, it has also permitted artists to work on projects without outer disturbances. The Loire Valley is one of France’s most frequented tourist attractions, thanks to the several well-preserved castles and its closeness to the capital.  Most castles were emptied of their furniture and artworks during the French Revolution. Maybe that’s why they’re well suited for contemporary exhibitions like this one? 

Pablo Reinoso has been keen on using the existing structures and rooms. He’s an ecologically concerned artist who works with woods – recuperated or available in abundance – and steal. For the over fifty pieces shown at Chambord, he’s used chestnut trees that grow in the vicinity and fallen mulberry branches. There are also huge charcoal paintings that ornate some of the castle’s walls and even parts of its façade where repairs are being conducted, using scaffolding. 

The castle’s masterpiece is an inner circular, intricate, double staircase, inspired by Leonard da Vinci. Without obscuring its beauty, Pablo invested it by hanging inside it, black canvas ’breathing’ cushions. Ventilating devices are placed in the cushions, making them move up and down. Similar cushions have been used in some of the castle’s smaller side rooms. The artists told us to enter the space in silence and to ’listen to the breathing’. This black cushion sculpture had something spooky over it though. His coal installation inside this dark room didn’t lift the mood either. It suggested the end of an area and the manner in which we have polluted the environment. 

There was light in the tunnel in this seeming hopelessness with his humorous wood benches that stretched out like spaghetti and his likewise perched chairs. Pablo has invested what he could in this otherwise barren castle: on the walls, the floors, and in the large fireplaces, in which he had placed wooden sculptures, resembling flames. 

’Articulations’ – sculptures made as bodily articulations and hung up or placed on the floor – made me think of Leonardo da Vinci’s fascination for the human body. They might have different meanings, such as the ingenuity of our own bodies, with all their intricate functions, that we don’t even pay attention to unless of course something gets broken and our fragility. Pablo’s works reflect the human senses: be it breathing, hearing, touching, seeing (in the dark room), moving… It may also be a reminder of our eventual decaying. ’We come from dust and to dust we shall return”.

It was nice to step out of the chilly castle and into the warm spring day in the park. Pablo’s idea seems to be that his outdoor sculptures may also be useful. Children were climbing in them and two of them are like enormous rocking chairs, quite comfortable at that. However, the one I preferred was a monumental tree in steal. Peaking inside it, I discovered a perfectly adjusted spiral, apparently also inspired by Leonardo da Vinci. 

The park is lovely to stroll around in. There’s a restaurant in the vicinity and a shop selling the castle’s own wine among others. Not far away is another castle, Cheverny, with the Swedish sculptor, Gudmar Olovson’s beautiful ’Love garden’ that is also worth the detour. The Loire Valley has much to offer and is at its best when, as in this case, it mixes history with art.

Anne Edelstam

Pablo Reinoso

Débordements

Château de Chambord

The post Pablo Reinoso at Chambord first appeared on Opulens.

In connection with the war in Ukraine, political discussions are underway about whether Russia can avoid recently imposed sanctions by using cryptocurrencies such as Bitcoin?

The concern that Russia can avoid sanctions through cryptocurrencies is not just exaggerated and unjustified. Cryptocurrencies are, at the moment, more beneficial for Ukraine. Thanks to its laws regarding digitization, blockchain, and cryptocurrencies, Ukraine created a better economic position to win the war.

Many politicians and officials in the world do not like cryptocurrencies – digital currencies mainly based on the fact that there is no government or public institutions behind them. For example, in the United States, former politician and presidential candidate Hillary Clinton has spoken negatively about cryptocurrencies and decentralized economic systems. In Europe, similar statements have been made as in connection with when the heads of authorities for the Swedish Environmental Protection Agency and Finansinspektionen demanded a ban on the production of cryptocurrencies such as Bitcoin in the Union.

During the current war against Ukraine, similar rhetoric is heard where politicians in Washington and Brussels believe that cryptocurrencies should be banned and prevented with reference to Russia’s invasion. The argument is that Russia can use cryptocurrencies to avoid the current sanctions and prevent Russian citizens, even those who are innocent, from trading in cryptocurrencies in general.

The only thing is that Russia can not avoid the sanctions by using cryptocurrencies, and various experts have already shown that this is not the case for several reasons.

Partly, there is not enough money in the cryptocurrency market globally for Russia to be able to avoid the impact of the sanctions fully. Even if all cryptocurrencies and their communities (digital associations) were to be used to support Russia, it would still be insufficient for the entire Russian population and the Russian state’s war costs to be able to cope with the effects of all sanctions for a long time.

Partly, it is also a matter of Russia as a state in recent years has acted negatively regarding cryptocurrencies. Dictatorships and autocrats fundamentally disapprove of cryptocurrencies because such currencies are seen as both symbols and practical functions that promote freedom, openness, and decentralization. Because decentralization means that individuals can cooperate without “middle-men” such as governments and banks. Russia’s actions have been the opposite of those of Ukraine, which has promoted legalizing and inclusive legislation on cryptocurrencies such as Bitcoin in the 2010s.

Last but not least, it is about traceability and transparency. There are some almost completely anonymous cryptocurrencies like Monero, but the majority of cryptocurrencies have open and visible processes regarding transactions. This is mostly due to the fact that the system for transactions through the blockchain (as a decentralized database and holder) means that what is written on the blockchain stays on the blockchain.

Thereby, blockchain can among other things prevent corruption and abuse regarding inter-human interactions. In this way, it will be difficult for both the Russian state and sanctioned Russian citizens, as well as for individuals who want to support Russia to use cryptocurrencies without being detected by European and other sanctioning authorities.

The war in Ukraine shows how cryptocurrencies can be used to support civilians and military personnel and institutions. At the same time, it is the case that anti-cryptocurrency politicians and others are spreading false stories about cryptocurrencies to prevent economic, social, and institutional changes such as regarding central banks and easy credit (quantitative easing) policies as in the US and the EU.

Therefore, more people must learn optimistic and libertarian lessons from the war in Ukraine because it is not a question of if, but a question of when cryptocurrencies will be a part of our daily lives to a greater extent.

The post Why Ukraine is winning “the crypto-war” first appeared on Opulens.

SANCTIONS. The Europeans and Africans are both experiencing structural and transformational setbacks right from the time of COVID19 in 2020 to late 2022 and through to the current Ukraine – Russia war. Most European and African economies were set for rapid recovery after the COVID pandemic but this boom run may not be possible as a result of the war.

Because of the Ukraine – Russia war Africans are in many ways indirectly affected more than Europeans whom the war is closer to them than ever. This is as a result of weak economic institutions and the absence of buffers to absorb the shocks from external crises.

The economies of Ethiopia, Senegal, Benin, Kenya, Uganda, and Rwanda were all projected to grow at 7.2%, 6.8%, 6.7%, 6%, 6.2%, and 8.1%, respectively. When the pandemic hit Africa, these forecasts had been impossible. Africa has what it takes to secure Europe’s oil and gas supply disruption due to Ukraine-Russia in spite of the fiscal challenges.

Governments and Business Sanctions on Russia

The Ukraine-Russia crises add to the woes of EU economies leapfrogging from challenges that retarded growth and prosperity. With this, there is going to be a deepened supply chain interruption on global energy policies, food, and essentials for crop production. This is happening due to a list of sanctions on Russia after its invasion of Ukraine. The tall list includes, actions taken by national governments and actions taken by companies and organizations (business).

Sanctions by countries include, Switzerland’s ban on transactions with the Russia’s central bank, freezes its assets overseas, Russian ships banned from British, Canadian ports, Russian aircrafts banned from U.S., EU, and Canadian airspace, Italy seizing property and volumes of wealthy Russian individuals, the UK also imposes asset freezes on Chelsea owner Abramovich, Rosneft boss Sechin, Australia has banned alumina exports to Russia , and with Finland’s national railway operator suspending services between Helsinki and Saint Petersburg, closing the rail link between Russia and the European Union.

The U.S. in retaliation, has also banned Russian oil and other energy imports, while South Korea bans exports of strategic items to Russia and subsequently joins the SWIFT sanctions.

Russia is faced with uncountable economic (business) sanctions, crippling its economy. Sanctions by businesses and companies also come with the suspension of business activities and diplomacy. These include, the Radisson Hotel Group suspending new partnerships and new investments in Russia, French sportswear retailer Decathlon suspending its activities in Russia, Carlsberg planning to exit the Russian market.

At the same time, Nestle said it would suspend several brands, including KitKat and Nesquik in Russia, days after Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky criticized the world’s biggest consumer goods company for continuing to operate in Russia, Eneos Holdings has stopped buying crude oil from Russia in response to Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, Renault is also suspending operations at its plant in Moscow .

Another example is Heineken that has also stopped production and sale of Heineken beer in Russia while Apple Inc has paused all product sales in Russia, Nokia will stop deliveries to Russia, and Total Energies have stopped investments in Russia. The KPMG, and PwC have asserted to no longer have a member firm in Russia. Also, an entertainment platform, TikTok, made it known to suspend live streaming and uploading of videos to its platform in Russia. Shell also stopped buying Russian crude and said it would phase out its involvement in all Russian hydrocarbons from oil to natural gas.

These sanctions notwithstanding, have a ripple effect on countries and businesses that sanctioned Russia especially, on energy and food. Businesses have not quantified the loss in revenue volume after ceasing operations in Russia. However, Europe that sits with Russia and Ukraine would have to endure a huge supply chain disruption affecting economies in the region. This denotes that Russia would not suffer from the sanctions alone but businesses would lose revenue, and the country’s trade routes would be longer, causing delays in delivery, and the volume of trade would reduce causing shortages of goods and services.

Europe in Search for Gas Suppliers

When it comes to the energy sector, Russia has been Europe’s primary energy supplier and well-known customer. Through the Nord Stream 2 pipelines, Europe obtains not less than 24.7% of its energy through Russia and Germany. The case Russia is closing the supply lines of natural gas, Europe may be looking elsewhere to enhance its demand for consistent supply.

Prior to the Ukraine – Russia war, the Eurozone inflation rose from 5.1% in January to 5.8% in February 2022. This was attributed to the COVID19 and as the Ukraine – Russia war has become another huge crisis driving and tossing about global macro-economic indicators, the economic dynamics present themselves in ways to increase the cost of transportation, and food due to supply chain disruption across systems of global routes. This is mechanically leading to higher prices on goods and services.

In Denmark, inflation is expected to more than double from 2.2 % to 4.5% and economic growth of 2.1% instead of 3.1% while since 1975, Holland’s inflation has reached 11.9% leading to the rising cost of energy, food, and petrol.

As no one knows when the war would end, gas reserves could run over and Europe may have limited space and time to look out for alternatives in the short term.  In the medium term, hyperinflations could destabilize Europe’s economic prospects and could dwindle to cause prices of oil, petrol, and food to rise more than ever.

Why Europe needs Africa now

Europe and Africa have good relationships in trade, business, and investment. The EU is Africa’s largest trade partner with a 36% export and 33% import volume. EU’s Pre-Brexit business and investment in Africa amounted to $261 billion with a shift from raw materials to extractive industry. As this may seem to be a huge milestone, grants, and loans to Africa since the 1970s are below the 0.7% of the EU’s gross national income.

Is this not the time for the EU to rethink and deepen its relationship with Africa beyond trade and investments? In an era of the Ukraine – Russia impasse lies an opportune recipe for the EU and Africa to clarify and quantify its long-term commercial links of exports and imports of energy from Africa. This is where energy diplomacy is needed

The Northern African countries, including Algeria in 26 years have supplied 10 Billion Cubic meters of gas annually to Spain and Portugal.

The potential to double the supply is possible if Algeria and the EU are able to agree on reciprocal capacity infrastructures development through comprehensive energy diplomacy through the MENA on an individual country basis.

This should be a priority for the EU to step in to resolve the supply crises between Morocco and Algeria which could also threaten the energy crisis in Europe. It is also an opportune time to focus on Libya to end its political instability as it has the capacity to supply Europe with oil and gas.

Libya is still the 9th in oil reserves globally, and 21st in gas reserves but the political tension undermines its capacity to meet its supply target for domestic use and export.

In sub-Saharan Africa, Nigeria and Niger are gearing up to construct an estimated $21 billion capacity pipelines. Nigeria has a big market share in Europe’s gas import with an estimated $12 billion exported to Europe in 2019 alone. The gas supply infrastructure deficit is undermining Nigeria’s and other African countries including Algeria, Morocco, Libya, Angola, and Congo the efficiency and reliability to export more to Europe.

In the wake of the Ukraine – Russia war, the EU is looking out for reliable sources with less cost to beef up the oil and gas supply so they could cut off Russia’s oil and gas as part of the sanctions.

The nearest continent with more reserves than needed is Africa. Therefore, it is imperative to improve Africa’s energy infrastructures by taking swift actions via energy diplomacy.

To deepen inter-regional integration between the two blocs, the EU must not develop the policy documents for Africa and implemented by the EU in Africa but create an enabling diplomatic environment where Africans can own the supply. This will make Africa develop its infrastructures further to build a continent of prosperity to accommodate EU citizens at home from away.

*This article was originally published by Peter Bismark via think-tank ILAPI

The post How Africa Could Stabilize Global Gas Disruption first appeared on Opulens.

COMPLEXITY. Wars, diseases and major ecological collapses have existed as long as there has been human life on Earth. Humans have been heavily afflicted by such problems, but we have always risen from ashes. But imagine if, despite that the risks are low, a global catastrophe takes place without humanity being able to recover? In order to avoid global disasters, the world community has to find new methods for cooperation. Could a multistakeholder model be one of the solutions? 

Jens Orback is the Executive of the Global Challenges Foundation

Traditional risk analysis is based on the following equation: the size of a risk is the potential future damage multiplied by the probability that the damage would occur. The equation clearly shows that when the potential damage of risk is large, we cannot ignore it because of insecurity or because the probability för the damage taking place seems low.

Global catastrophes have occurred before in history, as some previous pandemics have killed more than 10% of the world’s population. During the 20th century, a nuclear war was close on several occasions, a risk that has not changed despite it is more seldomly being discussed in public debate. The most dramatic change is that humanity, for the first time in history, is capable of seriously damaging the global ecosystem that we are all depending on. ser

Covid-19, greenhouse gas emissions, and weapons of mass destruction have one thing in common – they are not limited to national borders. It is becoming obvious that threats against humanity are border-crossing. Regardless if it is about global health, climate, environmental damages or connected migration flows. 

Since earlier, humanity has tried to create institutions at different levels to handle those crises and conflicts of interests that affect us. However, the capacity to address serious border-crossing threats through common decision-making and regulations is defective at the moment. 

Humanity stands in front of great opportunities and challenges in reforms, economic development, and technological innovation to handle global catastrophic risks like climate change, weapons of mass destruction, or pandemics. Everyone can benefit from a common policy, but all stakeholders do not equally interpret the benefits to themselves as being large or are unwilling to finance the costs. In such situations, everyone is affected by the problem. 

The term “global governance” includes a lot of the “soft power” that the world community needs, by the power of attraction resulting in more stakeholders committing themselves to a norm rather than by imposing coercion, cowing to brute force or economic compensation. True supranationalism between governments and international organisations is still rare. Most of today’s multilateral institutions were built up after the Second World War, but they were not designed for the purpose of dealing with the threats we face today.

This is why we now see organisations like the World Health Organisation (WHO) lacking the power to sanction countries that do not follow the encouragement to analyse and report their health capacities to handle diseases spreading. World Trade Organisation (WTO) negotiations are at a standstill. Member countries are instead working on bilateral or regional multilateral agreements. United Nations (UN) organs are dependent for their functions on the member-states earmarked contributions, leading to distortions in their activities.

The European Union (EU), the world’s most advanced project for political integration, is a regional organisation and member-state governments decide the union’s direction. Global problems demand global solutions, but we must understand which solutions are efficient and workable. Reforms of the UN have been discussed, but have so far not gone forward because great powers are tending to their short-term national interests, and thereby it is hard to conduct reforms from above. 

Multi-party stakeholder models approach global challenges by gathering representatives for different governmental and non-governmental organisations that affect or are affected by a common issue or problem. Global interest initiatives gather together companies, civil society organisations, politics, public institutions and projects. Also, such processes can also include academic institutions, foundations, intergovernmental organisations as well as technical expertise. 

Some multi-party stakeholders include only the non-governmental sector, in contrast to multilateralism, where the governments are meeting for negotiations. Some researchers that have analysed the topic of multi-stakeholder conversations argue that this model provides a stronger engagement and mobilises more resources from participants than traditional multilateral institutions. Also, stakeholders represent their functions, rather than their nations, which provide a more pragmatic attitude in the negotiations. 

Such developments were in general seen as unthinkable 20-30 years ago, so can a shift to multistakeholderism be legitimate and efficient? To whom are such stakeholders responsible and how? Is there a risk that they are being dominated by special interests and can increase inequality in the world? 

We do not know the answers to these questions yet and we need to examine them further in order to find a road map. Not only in order to recover our world to the conditions before Covid-19 but also in order to imagine a less fragile future. 

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AFRICA. Globalization is the integration, interconnectedness and interaction among people, governments and organizations but also an economic, political and policy tool for influence, diplomacy and power. Packaged with a neoliberal structure, it moves along with supranational and international institutions to influence engagements across borders. Globalization is marked by innovations in transportation, telecommunication and information with checks and balances from international laws, conventions and protocols.

This article was originally published by Evans Tetteh via think-tank ILAPI

Globalization arguably emerged with the primordial human migration and contiguity, an assertion with the certitude that globalization has undergone various stages with varied pace depending on political and economic circumstances at certain periods.

Nonetheless, the modern wave of globalization that commenced soon after the Cold War exhibits unprecedented features and cutting-edge innovations as in internet, technology and media facilitating connectivity among peoples, cities and nations alike with high speed and precision.

Broadly speaking, globalization is impacting on development for both developed and developing regions of which Africa is of no exception, benefitting from certain aspects. That said, observers express worry regarding the inability of globalization to redistribute wealth and power accordingly.

Recently more worrying are issues relating to Brexit, policies of protectionism and the Coronavirus pandemic posing challenges to globalization in the areas of international trade, development financing, aviation and production.

Analysts like Andrea Riquier and Rana Foroohar are of the opinion that the world is de-globalizing with decoupling of global economies. With Africa’s high dependency rate on external economic factors, the deficiencies in globalization could be detrimental to the continent’s development.

Consequently, exploring beyond globalization to identify other forms of interconnectedness that could occasion sustainable development with redistribution of wealth and opportunities for Africa might be a rewarding endeavor. That is not to say that globalization should be abandoned, but rather complemented at this time. In that regard, inter-regional integration is recourse.

Africa’s efforts at inter-regional integration had a remarkable outlook when the supranational Organization of African Unity (now African Union) was established in 1963, aimed at uniting for economic growth, peace and security.

Since then, other sub-regional organizations and frameworks like the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), the East African Community (EAC), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA) and more recently the African Continental Free Trade Agreement (AfCFTA) have been operational for achieving development goals.

However, certain challenges remain daunting, as indicated in the 2016 African Regional Integration Index report with respect to trade integration, regional infrastructure, financial integration, free movement of people and productive integration. There is the need to addressing such challenges to facilitate a common interest with Africa’s own initiatives and cooperation, as intended by the founding fathers of the African Union (AU).

Besides Africa’s supranational structures, other international, regional and national organizations, with state and non-state traits, have been engaging with African countries bilaterally and as a bloc. They include but are not limited to the European Union(EU), the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), the United States Agency for International Development (USAID), the Danish International Development Agency (DANIDA) and the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA).

Their efforts are valuable, expected to be impactful for a long period of time because they are well structured but, be that as it may, there are aspects that ought to be re-examined and reformed to productively not just be about globalization but also more of inter-regional integration.

Their mechanisms and implementation strategies are too broad and have to be focused on specificities; they should be detached from foreign policy goals and objectives; must be disconnected from soft power and ideological influences; and should focus more on equitable distribution of wealth and resources rather than economic power and geopolitical interests.

Having discussed two forms of inter-regional integration with suggestions on how they could be improved as we look beyond globalization, the final point presents a third form that seems to be receiving less attention especially for recent years – the role of city-to-city cooperation in inter-regional integration especially with Africa’s development.

Council of Europe City-to-City Cooperation Toolkit (2015) defines city-to-city (C2C) as comprehensive activities that are initiated by city institutions together with civil society organizations with international relations engagements directed at representing their identities and interests to one another.

This is increasingly becoming more relevant because of how the nation-state seemed to have been eclipsed by the forces of globalization, reducing the authority of governments and the virtual deactivation of borders.

On the one hand, the situation has had dire effects on state-to-state engagement in that the authority of the state is diminishing when it comes to issues about transnational corporations and commercial activities across borders.

On the other hand, it presents the opportunity for local governments and city authorities to integrate and connect with other cities for cooperation, exchanges and development with ease beyond national borders. As a result, certain drivers of inter-regional integration would eventually be enhanced.

Cases in point are citizen activism and community participation with shared ideas; mutually-binding diplomatic recognition for peaceful relations, acceptance, friendliness and support for the citizenry; then entry into policies, economic ventures and social exchange programs that foster economic growth and welfare.

Africa stands to benefit tremendously when cities, towns and even rural communities are assisted to create the atmosphere and the course of action that could position them in inter-regional integration with other sister cities outside the continent.

Currently, some C2C cooperation exists but relatively few, tend to be narrowed to areas in tourism and education with less attention by civil society and policy makers.

I posit that, it is a high time we focus on deepened inter-regional integration with reforms and innovations among the African countries through the AU and the other sub-regional bodies. Furthermore, the inter-regional integration between Africa and other regions must be encouraged but with strategic measures so as to preserve African identity and states character.

More importantly, we should be directing attention to the underexploited city-to-city relations that could spring up between African cities/towns/settlements with that from other regions. Civil society and non-governmental organizations could be playing key roles in facilitating such efforts, hence an organization or think tank that would be committing resources to that deserving area needs recognition and support.

In an era of skepticism and pessimism about aspects of globalization with future uncertainties, looking beyond we may realize the complementing alternative – inter-regional integration – for Africa’s development.  

For more information, visit ILAPI homepage.

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RIGHTS. The 2020s could be a decade when new systems and functions concerning rights are developed. But the future development can be both light and dark, depending on which ideas win more support and acceptance in public debates. Keeping in mind the 2010s nationalist and populist development where human rights are despised, at the same time as there is a lack of new ideas about rights catalogs for a post-industrial societal development.

Brexit and rights 

In connection with the Brexit debate, the academic David Miller asked why many left-wing Britons took a stand for EU membership based on communication about labor union organization, working conditions, and social rights. After all, rights as civic ones are a historical product of formations of nations and nation-states as the UK.

Miller’s point about rights being interpreted from a state-centric perspective is also about the idea of ​​”liberal nationalism”, which can also be likened to nationalist social democracy – high taxes and a demand-based welfare state, as well as restrictive immigration and demands for cultural uniformity. In addition, the liberal-nationalist view is that citizenship and rights should only be national because the nation-state is regarded as the only possible form of social and institutional organization.

The argument in the style of Brexit being bad for social rights and the working class in Britain has been part of the pro-Remain left-wing referendum campaign. Furthermore, millions of anti-Brexit and pro-EU Britons realized that they risked losing their civil rights as EU citizens regarding turnout, mobility, and health care. In turn, pro-Brexit leftists have argued the opposite, namely that Brexit would be good for British civil rights, partly because the European Union is still equal to neoliberalism and undermining national democracy.

European Union and rights 

But regarding Brexit and the view of rights, it is important to understand the following, as the historian Yuval Harari argues. According to Harari, Brexit was not a political battle between people who were for or against rights. Rather, it was a political struggle between those who wanted rights in a universal and cosmopolitan sense against those who wanted the rights to stay at the border and primarily be for “our own“.

Much of the EU’s ‘social dimension’ of rights and conditions can and should be criticized for improving and further evolving over time. At the same time, it is also important to understand that the EU is the only example in the world of how concrete civil rights have been shaped at the supranational level and could thus include and unite more people than ever before in history.

This partly explains the establishment of European citizenship in the 1990s and 2000s as a kind of political target for both left-wing and right-wing populists and nationalists in the Union. For those who in an authoritarian way believe that man must be subordinated to the nation and mentally limited to “the national”, ideas about rights and the individual’s private sphere at the supranational level can feel very irritating and negative.

The “civil rights vs human rights” false narrative

Rights discussions in the 2010s also show that nationalism cannot be divided into good and evil because different ideas tend to merge. For example, when the Sweden Democrats in 2017 handed out their “freedom prize” to the Czech Republic’s former prime minister and now right-wing extremist Vaclav Klaus, the motivation was that Klaus had argued that human rights have become a threat to civic rights and national sovereignty. However, such ideas and reasoning are not limited to right-wing extremist actors, as the debate on rights from a nationalist and authoritarian point of view has occurred among other debaters, including on the left.

For example, the historian and debater Lars Traedgaordh, known for the texts concerning Swedish identification and social trust, argued in the 2010s that civil (welfare) rights should outweigh human rights regarding Sweden’s function as a state. Above all, it is about the view of humanitarian immigration and resources concerning the welfare state, where Traedgaodh believes that Sweden has a greater responsibility for its own citizens than for non-citizens. In addition, Traedgaordh has reasoned in the style that the focus on multiculturalism, pluralism, and universality should be reduced in favor of culture in the “national” sense.

A rights debate for 21st century

In this way, based on the 2010 rights debates, one can conclude that the political battle that Harari believes is generally not about for or against rights but is about which people should have rights and how the rights should be managed institutionally. Those who want a cosmopolitan world and are driven by universal values and rights need to explain how democracy, welfare, and the rule of law can really function globally. And those who want rights based on nationalist and discriminatory reasoning need to explain why the public as the state should treat people in an arbitrary, repressive, and exclusive way.

There are several reasons why more people as in the Swedish debate should look ahead and write about modern ideas about rights. The modern state needs to be precisely universalist and cosmopolitan to be able to deal with global problems and challenges and contribute to human security and the development of the climate and the planet. Today, more and more people are joining decentralized and often global communities such as networks and associations with their own constitutions, democratic processes, and economic ecosystems. Animals also need to have their rights more protected in line with climate change. There are also transhumanist and futuristic ideas about rights for robots, AI, and cyborgs in the post-industrial as well as “post-human” societal visions of the future.

Such a development may sound comical and strange, but it is important to remember that one of the most important functions of rights is to ensure peaceful interpersonal relationships. The future development may mean that relationships between people and with other beings become increasingly complex and interconnected over time through various interactions and processes concerning the handling of the climate issue. In such a world, a universalist and complex view of rights is needed for humanity as a whole to keep the ability to solve common challenges.

The post Fight for your rights! first appeared on Opulens.

ART HISTORY. The Luxembourg museum, close to the artists quarters of Saint Germain, in Paris, is situated in a lush park. Its opening exhibition shows women painters, a rarity in those days.

It was a big day, this 31 May 1783, when the prestigious Royal Academy of Painters welcomed a new member: the talented Adélaïde Labille-Gaillard. Soon afterwards, another woman, close to the royal family, Elisabeth Vigée Le Brun, also insisted on becoming a member. Her magnificent portrait of Marie-Antoinette, her protégée, is displayed in this intimate exhibition. 

A quota to accept only four women had been established long ago among an abundance of men. However, a few years later, this one-hundred-year-old Academy was transformed into an Institute, and women painters were accepted in greater numbers. They excelled in the art of portraits. Women could not paint nudes because, at the time, the models were exclusively males…

The relative democratization between the genders opened up doors to otherwise closed ateliers for these women painters. They were thus accepted as pupils for male teachers. It further led to free of charges, highly classified, drawing classes for the impoverished ’demoiselles’ who possessed an artistic talent. 

This short epoch was called la parenthèse enchantée – or the ’enchanted parentheses’. During this period, the art world experienced a women painters’ boom. During the 1783 painting exhibition, a commentator wrote that: ’women have truly become rivals of their male counterparts, and these shall have to deal with some real competition!’

I was surprised at the dexterity and vigour in those paintings, mostly depicting other women. Many of which were auto-portraits, often sitting painting, with their brushes and easel at hand or holding a child. They favoured intimate, domestic scenes sometimes with fun touches, like the woman who’s attaching her shoelaces. They also showed great dexterity in the ’sentimental genre’ that enhanced feelings by painting music being played for example.

However, apart from the two above-cited women painters, most of the others have been ’buried’ and forgotten in the collective memory… This exquisite, rather small, exhibition finally gives them justice.   

Anne Edelstam

Peintre Femmes, 1780 – 1830

Musée du Luxemburg, Paris 

19 May to 4 July 2021

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